Nearly a week after Thailand's election, the first when you consider that the coup of 2014, it stays doubtful which celebration should structure a government.
On Thursday, the Election Commission (EC) launched the remaining vote count, displaying the pro-military celebration had won the famous vote.
However, the remember has been marred via worries over vote casting irregularities and legitimate consequences are due by 9 May.
Sunday's election had been billed as a return to democracy for Thailand.
But the army was criticised for taking steps to make certain it would stay influential in politics, such as appointing all 250 seats in the top house.
A intricate device of allocating seats in parliaments based on vote share, brought by using the military, ability it remains uncertain how many seats every birthday celebration will ultimately have.
The BBC's South East Asia correspondent Jonathan Head explains the complexities around what simply came about in Thailand.
Why is it taking so lengthy to get answers?
In preceding Thai elections, the consequences came thru greater quickly and clearly. This time the EC had problems tabulating results from the 350 constituencies. On Sunday there were some crazy figures from a few.
The voter turnout announced additionally seemed a ways too low at 65%.
Image copyright European Photopress Agency Image caption Many observers were amazed by means of how properly the the pro-military birthday celebration has done
The EC stopped publishing numbers after the vote, failed to clarify the next day, blamed the media when its personal statistics was once suspect, and had some inconsistent statistics even when giving a ultimate vote remember on Thursday.
It announced that, with one hundred percent of the votes, counted;
two Palang Pracha Rath, the birthday celebration allied with the ruling junta, has 8.4 million votes
Pheu Thai party, the opposition birthday party allied with exiled former high minister Thaksin Shinawatra, gained 7.9 million votes.
It is not clear why the EC, with a very giant price range and plenty of time, had these problems. It briefly noted hacking attacks on its servers on Sunday.
But the inconsistencies - now elevating the turnout to nearly 75% - have raised difficulty that the count is being manipulated, with a petition calling for the commission to be brushed aside getting more than 800,000 signatures.
The solely worldwide group able to screen the election has been fairly imperative of the EC's negative performance.
Who appears most likely to shape a government?
The new government will no longer be formed until the outcomes are licensed by 9 May, giving time for the EC to look into alleged violations of election laws, and even to re-run the election in some areas, if needed.
A vote in each houses of parliament for the subsequent prime minister is predicted inside a few weeks after that.
The having a bet has usually been that Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha would hold his job, due to the fact the military-drafted constitution allows the 250-seat senate - appointed by using the junta - to vote for a top minister.
Image copyright Eurpoean Photopress Agency Image caption Gen Prayuth campaigned hard to be democratically elected
But the unofficial effects show a viable majority of seats in the lower house for a seven-party opposition coalition, led with the aid of the pro-Thaksin Pheu Thai. Whereas the pro-military Palang Pracha Rath is some way quick of a majority.
That means even if Gen Prayuth wins the vote for PM, his government could be paralysed in parliament. There is furious behind-the-scenes bargaining for guide from the non-committed parties, like Bhum Jai Thai, with its valuable block of 50+ seats.
Were the elections fair?
ANFREL, the worldwide monitoring group, has stopped short of labelling this election "not free and fair". But it is especially vital of the benefits given to the incumbent army government, of terrible voter records and restrictions on freedom of expression.
Many Thais suspect there was once some rigging of the election, but no real evidence of this has been produced. Despite many mentioned irregularities, experienced election watchers here trust the published effects in all likelihood reflect the vast preferences of Thai voters.
two two Thaksin alleges Thai vote 'irregularities'
two Voting in Thailand's hybrid democracy
The Election Commission has lost a lot of credibility, and will be watched closely in the coming weeks, to see how pretty it deals with complaints, and how it allocates the a hundred and fifty proportional birthday celebration list seats.
It has no longer said what method it will use, and one-of-a-kind strategies make a fundamental difference, one giving the opposition a majority, the different leaving it two seats short.
Will Thais take delivery of the results?
Image copyright AFP/Getty Images Image caption There have been many questions about the effects introduced through the Election Commission
Many younger Thais have expressed bitter disappointment over the strong performance of Palang Pracha Rath. In the rural north-east, die-hard Pheu Thai/Thaksin supporters have been dismayed through their own party's an awful lot weaker performance.
Much now depends on the next six weeks. As things stand the anti-military coalition believes it commands a majority in the lower house, and whilst it cannot outvote Gen Prayuth for the top minister's job, it can stop him governing.
Its supporters accept as true with the election has given them a mandate at least to quit the army from persevering with to rule the country, and to pressure a distinct compromise.
If the EC makes massive modifications to the contemporary seat estimates, either thru the way it calculates the birthday celebration list seats or via disqualifications for infractions of electoral regulations, expect some public outcry.
Likewise, if the pro-military aspect persuades MPs to defect from the other side, to block a viable opposition majority, there could also be public anger.
But few humans consider there will be a repeat of the avenue protests and violence of preceding years.
Thais are, by way of and large, disappointed by way of what these protests produced. There are new political forces now, which will seem to be for different methods to specific their dissent.
A larger chance is the possibility of some other army coup, if there is stalemate in parliament. The modern-day army commander has hinted that the army would now not support a government linked to Thaksin Shinawatra.
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